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Kakistocracy:- a government where only a few corrupt leaders rule and expropriate the wealth and lands of citizens. Could this be the type of government Nigeria has been running since 1960? A government for the few and by the few, making other citizens become the poorer of the poorest.
- How true is such a narrative?
This narrative is very true. It is true for Nigeria in 1960 as it is true today. 1960 Nigeria had all the trappings of a Kakistocratic state. Revisionist historians may want us to believe otherwise. But the crisis in Western Nigeria which precipitated the 1967 coups plunged the country into a civil war that claimed innocent lives. At the heart of the January 15, 1966, coup was the vexed issue of governance by a few for a few. The Coupist termed it the ten percenters, the few corrupt government officials and politicians who benefit from the resources of the country at the expense of their fellow Nigerians.
Sixty-three years and three political transition experiments later, the narrative remains the same. The government have never been about the people. The people have also not had the right and privilege of freely choosing who governs them. For some surreal reasons, the combination of the forces of poverty, the greed of politicians and neo-colonialism, Nigeria have remained under the strong grip of these Kakistocrats.
Today, about 133 million Nigerians are multi-dimensionally poor. The implication is that two-thirds of Nigeria’s population is deficient in basic education, good health and standard of living (Housing, electricity, assets, drinking water, sanitation, cooking fuel). Nigerians cannot lay claim to being citizens and yet have deficits in these critical areas of the Human Development Index HDI.
- Does it mean Nigeria has not recorded any measure of success since independence, especially in the first republic and after its military exit from power on May 29, 1999, and why
It would be wrong to infer success from this conversation. If the measure of success is focused on Nigerians who are the actual humans living in Nigeria, then it will be difficult to record any significant success since independence. And there are sufficient statistics and facts to push this claim. The Federal Office of Statistics stated that 15% of Nigerians were poor as of 1960 (about 6.9 million of 46,000,000). This figure rose to 28% in 1980 (over 20.2 million of 72.95 million). And as of 1999 when the military exited from government it was over 72% of a population of over 119.7 million.
From these statistics, it is obvious that Nigeria has consistently increased the number of Nigerians in the poverty bracket since 1960 till date. Notwithstanding the number of infrastructural developments witnessed across the country. The questions to ask are, with the many development initiatives of the government like NAPEP (National Poverty Eradication Program), FEAP (Family Economic Advancement Program), SAP (Structural Adjustment Program), UBE (Universal Basic Education) and the Back to Land Program, Has Nigeria worked for the majority of Nigerians? The answer is No!
The reasons for this submission can be situated in the misunderstanding of the true meaning of democracy and governance. The core of the definition of democracy is the People. The thrust of governance is the people. And the measure of success of any system of government is the HDI, which is centred around the people. Unfortunately for Nigeria, the discourse has been about things that don’t qualify as metrics for measurement as far as HDI is concerned. Any conversation that is not intentionally geared towards these metrics will continue to push us towards the abyss of Kakistocracy.
- Is the current narrative suggestive that we are building individuals instead of strengthening the capacity and sustenance of institutions, why and how do you mean sir?
Institutions are made up of people. Systems and processes are made up of people and not individuals. Our current structure is not driven by systems and processes. This is why we cannot make an institution out of it. And this is why the current narrative is driven by individuals. Is it working for the general population? Is it working for Nigeria? And why is it not working for the majority of Nigerians and Nigeria?
The answer can be found in the selfish appetite and greed of some individuals at the levers of the power structure of the country. Sadly, we the people are enablers of this greed and appetite. Take for example the Lagos University Teaching Hospital LUTH. The first thing that hits you when you get inside the compound is the gigantic structures and buildings. But on a second look, you will find out from people’s experience that the hospital is a harbinger of several unavoidable deaths.
If the hospital’s construction and establishment in the 1960s were founded on a framework of systems and processes aimed to deliver premium healthcare services regardless of status, tribe and religion, we would have been talking about a world-class medical institution today. If the construction was not seen as a project to enrich individuals. If the government was intentional about global best practices in premium healthcare delivery rather than one government’s vain glory expedition. LUTH would have been an avenue for dollar inflows due to medical tourism. It would have been our own Dubai, India and UK medical tourism story.
- What is the role of the existing political structure in the light of such narrative vis-a-vis the agitation for restructuring of the country?
We cannot rely on the existing political structure, especially on the current narrative. The prevailing political structure cannot restructure the country. Therefore, placing such important assignments on them will be wrong. Instead, we the people must become the structure. The people should insist and agitate for the enthronement of a structure that is predicated on systems and processes. And we must demand excellence from it. When this is done, the restructuring of the country would be taken care of.
In the 2023 Presidential election, only 25.2 million of the 93.4 million (representing 28%) eligible voters in Nigeria voted. The winner of the election was declared with a total vote cast of 8,794,726 (representing 10%). The Global average voter turnout for Presidential elections is 63%. According to Dataphyte, Nigeria is the largest democracy in Africa with the lowest voter turnout. Equatorial Guinea has the highest percentage of 98.4% in Africa.
How do you have a meaningful conversation on restructuring when the people’s participation in the electioneering process is abysmal? Where do you connect the current narrative to restructuring when you cannot vouch for the excellence of the present system? It is incumbent on civil societies, the media and well-meaning Nigerians to insist that the universal adult suffrage enshrined in the 1999 constitution as amended is sacrosanct. They must pressure the existing political structure to an overwhelming point to understand that they are in the minority. They must show that the proof of excellence in a functional system or process is when the people rather than individuals are at its vanguard.
- The belief in some quarters is that there are government subsidies in energy, education and many other sectors, and not just in oil and gas. Should we apply the break in those sectors as we are trying to do now on petroleum products by way of scrapping subsidies? Why have the World Bank and other global development agencies consistently advocated subsidy removal on petroleum products, particularly petrol?
It is naïve, puerile and laughable for anyone to suggest that the Nigerian Government apply the breaks on subsidies. Anyone with basic knowledge of economics will understand that subsidies are powerful economic tools to alleviate socio-economic disparities. They are policies that can help governments to shape the financial landscape of the country. These tools can also bolster a country’s economy and alleviate societal problems when applied thoughtfully and targeted effectively.
Dr Ahmed Khan, Bangladeshi economist, development researcher and Director General of the Bangladeshi Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), a leading think tank in Bangladesh submitted that Subsidies can be pivotal in addressing poverty and inequality concerns. He further noted that targeted subsidies such as those for healthcare, education and food can enhance access to necessities for vulnerable people.
Another expert, Prof. James Anderson, Public Policy Expert and Professor Emeritus of Educational Policy Studies at the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign USA, stated that subsidies can bridge gaps, and ensure accessibility and affordability of necessities like food, housing and healthcare. These gaps can also be seen in the undersupply or overpricing of essential goods and services. He said that the ultimate role of subsidies is to efficiently allocate resources.
The essence of sighting these two foreign experts is to establish that subsidy is not synonymous with Nigeria’s economy alone. All over the world especially in the US and Europe (The major players of the Bretton Wood System), subsidies are a common denominator for economic advancement.
In 2021, the total value of government subsidies in the United States was estimated to be $2.3 trillion. The largest categories of subsidies were agriculture ($1.2 trillion), energy ($300 billion) and transportation ($200 billion). In 2022, the US government spent an estimated $220 billion on subsidies, of which $115 billion went to agriculture, $45 billion to energy and $20 billion to transportation.
The European Union EU spent an estimated 300 billion euros in 2022. $150 billion equivalent of that sum was spent on agriculture while $50 billion and $25 billion was spent on energy and transport respectively. The three most subsidized areas of the economy for the US, UK and the EU are agriculture, energy and transportation. And these are all developed economies with functional and efficient systems and processes to serve their citizens.
Therefore, the reason the World Bank and other global development agencies consistently advocate for subsidy removal on petroleum products, particularly petrol is because of the comparative advantage that Nigeria’s competitor will gain from it. Today, the Naira exchange to a Dollar is N1590, a litre of petrol is over N617 and Headline inflation stands at 33.95%. According to the latest National Bureau of Statistics NBS report, the food inflation rate had a leap of 61% in a year. There is no way goods produced under these economic conditions can compete favourably with goods produced in an economy that heavily subsidizes energy, agriculture and transportation.
